OP 30 September, 2024 - 10:48 PM
An unexpected player joins the global leaders and turns the tables.
Cyberspace is traditionally considered the domain of technological superpowers such as the United States, China, and Russia, which possess powerful and sophisticated capabilities. Slightly lower in the rankings are countries with high technological potential, such as the United Kingdom, Australia, South Korea, and Iran.
Compared to these countries, African states are traditionally considered less significant in the geopolitics of the digital space. External commentary often focuses on their technical vulnerability and dependence on technologies from the East and West. In addition, within the continent, the issue of “digital colonialism” is often raised due to the use of technologies developed and controlled by other states.
However, such assessments may be inaccurate. A recent study proves that even states without significant offensive cyber capabilities can influence superpowers in the digital world.
Influence of African elites in cyberspace
IT technologies are relatively cheap and spread quickly, which allows less developed countries to effectively counter strong players. Available tools range from basic ransomware kits for $375 to customized kits available for rent for tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars per year. Some of the most sophisticated solutions, like the Pegasus spyware, have been rented for $7-8 million per year.
The relatively low cost allows African countries and elites to pursue a “partner diversification” strategy, choosing different external actors to achieve their political goals. In some cases, African countries directly acquire the necessary technology, while in others, they find partners who use the tools to further African interests.
Examples include China’s efforts to spy on the African Union headquarters in Ethiopia and information campaigns during the Second Libyan Civil War. Despite China’s significant influence in cyberspace, African leaders have managed to avoid or even leverage the capabilities of other countries to their advantage.
China, Ethiopia, and the African Union
For two decades, China has been Ethiopia’s main supplier of digital infrastructure and surveillance technology. China invested in the construction of the African Union (AU) headquarters in Addis Ababa, which led to large-scale cyber espionage. Through networks and installed cameras, China has been collecting intelligence on the base since 2012.
However, cooperation with China is driven by technology availability and disagreements with Western demands for infrastructure privatization, which are not in Ethiopia’s interests. Moreover, relations with China have not prevented Ethiopia from engaging other partners, including Israel, the United States, and Italy, to develop cyber capabilities and diversify technology supplies.
This diversity of partners and capabilities has allowed Ethiopia to counter some of China’s espionage efforts. For example, AS network experts detected the intrusion and, working with experts from Ethiopia and Algeria, created an independent, secure IT infrastructure. In addition, Japanese CERT experts helped uncover the theft of CCTV data by the Chinese hacker group Bronze President.
Effectiveness of Cyber Capabilities
China’s actions undoubtedly impact African cyberspace. However, cybersecurity transactions are rarely one-sided, and cyber-weak states often find ways to minimize the influence of superpowers and advance their own interests.
The point is that cyberspace is a realm where the advantages accrue to those who most effectively use existing capabilities, not to those who invent them. And in this game, African countries can effectively protect their interests despite technological inequality.
source :
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10....6818823172
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....24.2330074
https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-a...m=fulltext
https://www.reuters.com/world/china/exclusive-suspected-chinese-hackers-stole-camera-footage-african-union-memo-2020-12-16/
Cyberspace is traditionally considered the domain of technological superpowers such as the United States, China, and Russia, which possess powerful and sophisticated capabilities. Slightly lower in the rankings are countries with high technological potential, such as the United Kingdom, Australia, South Korea, and Iran.
Compared to these countries, African states are traditionally considered less significant in the geopolitics of the digital space. External commentary often focuses on their technical vulnerability and dependence on technologies from the East and West. In addition, within the continent, the issue of “digital colonialism” is often raised due to the use of technologies developed and controlled by other states.
However, such assessments may be inaccurate. A recent study proves that even states without significant offensive cyber capabilities can influence superpowers in the digital world.
Influence of African elites in cyberspace
IT technologies are relatively cheap and spread quickly, which allows less developed countries to effectively counter strong players. Available tools range from basic ransomware kits for $375 to customized kits available for rent for tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars per year. Some of the most sophisticated solutions, like the Pegasus spyware, have been rented for $7-8 million per year.
The relatively low cost allows African countries and elites to pursue a “partner diversification” strategy, choosing different external actors to achieve their political goals. In some cases, African countries directly acquire the necessary technology, while in others, they find partners who use the tools to further African interests.
Examples include China’s efforts to spy on the African Union headquarters in Ethiopia and information campaigns during the Second Libyan Civil War. Despite China’s significant influence in cyberspace, African leaders have managed to avoid or even leverage the capabilities of other countries to their advantage.
China, Ethiopia, and the African Union
For two decades, China has been Ethiopia’s main supplier of digital infrastructure and surveillance technology. China invested in the construction of the African Union (AU) headquarters in Addis Ababa, which led to large-scale cyber espionage. Through networks and installed cameras, China has been collecting intelligence on the base since 2012.
However, cooperation with China is driven by technology availability and disagreements with Western demands for infrastructure privatization, which are not in Ethiopia’s interests. Moreover, relations with China have not prevented Ethiopia from engaging other partners, including Israel, the United States, and Italy, to develop cyber capabilities and diversify technology supplies.
This diversity of partners and capabilities has allowed Ethiopia to counter some of China’s espionage efforts. For example, AS network experts detected the intrusion and, working with experts from Ethiopia and Algeria, created an independent, secure IT infrastructure. In addition, Japanese CERT experts helped uncover the theft of CCTV data by the Chinese hacker group Bronze President.
Effectiveness of Cyber Capabilities
China’s actions undoubtedly impact African cyberspace. However, cybersecurity transactions are rarely one-sided, and cyber-weak states often find ways to minimize the influence of superpowers and advance their own interests.
The point is that cyberspace is a realm where the advantages accrue to those who most effectively use existing capabilities, not to those who invent them. And in this game, African countries can effectively protect their interests despite technological inequality.
source :
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10....6818823172
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....24.2330074
https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-a...m=fulltext
https://www.reuters.com/world/china/exclusive-suspected-chinese-hackers-stole-camera-footage-african-union-memo-2020-12-16/
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